The full text of the Andrew John Williamson Memorial Lecture, to be delivered this evening by DOUGLAS ALEXANDER at Stirling University


“Neither revolution nor reformation can ultimately change a society, rather you must tell a new powerful tale, one so persuasive that it sweeps away the old myths and becomes the preferred story, one so inclusive that it gathers all the bits of our past and our present into a coherent whole, one that even shines some light into the future so that we can take the next step forward. If you want to change society, then you have to tell an alternative story.” – Ivan Illich

As I ruminated upon a title for this evening’s lecture my first thought – given that Dunsinane lies only a few miles up the road in Perthshire was to ask “Stand’s Scotland where it did?” Yet a moment’s reflection was sufficient to answer the question posed by Shakespeare.

And there could be few better settings in which to discuss the recent developments and future course of Scottish politics than Stirling – the seat where in 1997 Michael Forsyth played the role of General Custer in the Scottish Conservatives last stand but which then passed from Labour control at the 2007 Holyrood elections, not back to the Tories, but rather into the hands of the SNP, narrowly then but  earlier this year with a majority of nearly 6000 and almost 50% of the  total votes cast. Nowhere illustrates more starkly the changes in Scottish politics that has taken place over recent years.

Last May we witnessed the election of a majority Government for the first time in the twelve year history of Scottish Devolution. And if we take them at their word, the historic victory of the Scottish National Party will ensure that the issue of a referendum on independence has now come to the fore. And, accordingly, it is to the issue of Scotland’s political future and Scottish Labour’s place therein that I want to direct my remarks this evening.

Tonight I want to explore some of the issues that I believe will inform the necessary public discourse and debate that will, precede the choice Scotland makes in such a referendum.

But let me say just a word in passing specifically on the referendum. As someone who knows how to run a campaign, one of my real concerns is that the referendum debate may become simply a fight between William Wallace and the bogey man. Because in a time of choosing, our duty is greater, and our responsibility is heavier. This debate demands a different quality of imagination.

‘Obsolete dogmas and outworn slogans’ must yield to a debate not just about our identity, but about our ideals. About what kind of nation we are, and what kind of nation we want to become. Our fellow citizens deserve a debate worthy of a momentous choice that will help write the history of this generation.

And before the heat generated by that forthcoming battle obscures the light, I want to take the opportunity afforded by tonight’s lecture to offer some personal reflections on those forces, far from the headlines, that will shape our choice.

Let me say, first, what this lecture is not. It is not an exercise in accounting. It is not an attempt to weigh the costs and expense involved in establishing the apparatus of a separate Scottish state and disentangling ourselves from the partnership that is the United Kingdom.

There will be time enough, and no doubt plenty of opportunities, for such evidence to be set before the people of Scotland in the months and years ahead.

As someone who was centrally involved in devising Labour’s “Divorce is a Expensive Business” Campaign for the first elections to Holyrood in 1999, I am not unaware of the importance of such evidence, nor do I resile from the fears I still have about the damage that Scotland’s exit from the United Kingdom would do, most of all, to Scotland.

But I said after the 1999 election that it was the last time I thought we could run such a campaign, and yet it is surely now clear that in the decade that followed, too little was done by my Party to tell a different story of possibility about Scotland.

In 1999 we identified what would have been the wrong path for Scotland, but thereafter we didn’t do enough to describe the right path by which to achieve a better nation. We all know Labour needed to show humility after our election defeats. But we also have an obligation to think – and to re-engage. My work observing and participating in democratic politics both at home and abroad over the last decade has taught me many things.

And one of them is that in policy, statistics matter, but in politics, stories matter too. Because stories help shape what is hidden in plain sight all around us – what we judge has meaning, and what we judge doesn’t. And it is through stories that we provoke the feelings of hope that are at the heart of participating in a progressive society – the care, concern, and compassion that has always underpinned the will to act.

Why do I make that claim? Because our emotions are the very foundation of reason – because they tell each of us what to value. Despite Plato’s description of reason and emotion as two horses pulling in the opposite direction, the truth is that how we feel about what we know is the deepest way in which we add meaning and significance to whatever information we have at our disposal – it is how what we know becomes real and rooted in who we are.

This should have come as no surprise to a graduate of the University of Edinburgh such as myself. Because the writings of David Hume remind us that reason is often weak and sentiments are strong.

Perhaps I should just have listened more intently to my father’s sermons. For the Church, not just here in Scotland but around the globe, has understood for two thousand years that we live our lives by parables.

It was the Church that recognised 450 years ago that education was the basis of each of us fulfilling our potential or writing our own story and so set out to put a school in every parish – an act of public service that shaped our nations identity and led to an Enlightenment period that was to spill out over Europe and beyond that challenged the very way we see the world.

So it is perhaps appropriate that I begin my exploration of these issues this evening by quoting the words of the Austrian philosopher, priest and social critic, Ivan Ilich.

In an interview about one of his works he stated:

“Neither revolution nor reformation can ultimately change a society, rather you must tell a new powerful tale, one so persuasive that it sweeps away the old myths and becomes the preferred story, one so inclusive that it gathers all the bits of our past and our present into a coherent whole, one that even shines some light into the future so that we can take the next step forward. If you want to change society, then you have to tell an alternative story.”

Ponder those words: “You have to tell an alternative story.”

Of course the stories we tell about ourselves, our communities and our nation are thankfully not the exclusive domain of politicians: writers, musicians, poets and artists help shape our sense of self and also our sense of our nation’s story.

The case I want to make tonight is that we need and deserve a better story about Scotland and its possibilities: One which does more justice to our sense of potential than either of the narratives that have come to dominate our political discourse in recent times.

And I want to suggest this evening that we need a broader, more inclusive, more generous story if we are to be a better nation, and that to be a better nation does not demand that we become a separate nation.

At the moment we risk years of debate defined by polarising positions not shared by most of us in Scotland.

On one hand there is a story about Scotland’s future distorted by the continued need to assert our different-ness to the point of denying what we hold in common in these islands.

On the other hand is a story that draws too much from our past which has allowed the misconception to develop that any acknowledgement of Britishness somehow seeks to diminish the pride we feel in the distinctiveness of Scotland.

Neither account, it seems to me, is adequate for who we are as Scots, what we believe, or what we have it in ourselves to become in the years ahead. And I would argue there is a real urgency in developing that better story, so that in the years ahead we don’t squander our energies on proving our difference, rather than improving our nation.

Let me draw on my personal experience to explain what I mean. In the Scotland in which I grew up, in the ’70s, ’80s and ’90s, our national story was widely shared. The distinction between patriotism and nationalism was widely understood and accepted. Those of us who shouted proudly – if often forlornly – for Scotland in Hampden or Murrayfield felt no compulsion to embrace political nationalism.

The villain of the narrative was the insensitive, arrogant and selfish politics embodied by Margaret Thatcher, the legacy of which still condemns the Conservative party in the eyes of most Scots, more than twenty years since she stood down as Prime Minister.

The narrative was reflective of Scotland undergoing the forced removal and restructuring of the industries and communities, from Upper Clyde Shipbuilders to Ravenscraig, from Linwood to Methil and the coalfields that had shaped Scotland’s sense of itself for decades.

So as a student when I joined my compatriots in protest against Thatcherism outside New College when she came to deliver her infamous “Sermon on the Mound” in 1988 or in support of the Scottish Parliament in George Square, and the Meadows in 1992, we were reflecting what John Smith described so well as “the settled will of the Scottish people”.

At that time if felt like a struggle for Scotland’s soul. As William Mcllvaney described it in his 1987 lecture at the SNP conference:

“We have never, until now, had a Government so determined to unpick the very fabric of Scottish life and make it over into something quite different. We have never had a Government so glibly convinced of its own rightness that it demands that one of the oldest nations in Europe should give itself a shake and change utterly its sense of self. If we allow her [Mrs Thatcher] to continue she will remove from the word Scottish any meaning other than geographical. We are now so threatened by a Government implacably hostile to the ideas that have nourished Scotland’s deepest sense of itself that we must have to protect ourselves. We will either defend our identity or lose it – there is no other choice.”

And the heroes of this story, for me, and many other Scots, were the generation of Labour politicians who gave voice not only to our concerns but also to our hopes: Dewar, Smith, Brown and Cook.

They held out the possibility of a better Scottish nation – by their commitment to constitutional change certainly, but even more by their shared commitment to social and economic change and solidarity with the poor, even when that was not an easy path.

As Democratic Socialists, they never saw a contradiction in working for a better Scotland and a better Britain.

And they were a generation true to their word.  For despite the taunts that the Labour Party “couldn’t deliver a pizza, never mind a Parliament” in fact, we did deliver Scotland’s Parliament.

While the Nationalists, stood aside from the Constitutional Convention – something they now seek to airbrush out of their history – I am forever proud that one of the first acts of the incoming Labour Government was to set out what became the Scotland Act giving birth to Scotland’s first democratic Parliament.

But Labour in Government delivered not just a Scottish Parliament but also the Human Rights Act; a reformed House of Lords; civil partnerships; new maternity and paternity rights; new rights to join a Trade Union. But not just that: a minimum wage, record levels of investment in our schools and hospitals, record levels of employment, a decade of economic growth; the Minimum Income Guarantee and the Working Families Tax Credit.

Now of course, I am proud of the many good things achieved by the Labour Government in which I was honoured to serve. And I am also proud of much that the Scottish Labour Party achieved in Government at Holyrood from 1999 to 2007 – not just establishing Smart Successful Scotland, or the Scottish Drugs Enforcement Agency, but in my own community building the new schools that have literally transformed the learning environment for our local children.

But these achievements, important thought they are, were not sufficient to mask an underlying difficulty with the story Scottish Labour was telling about itself and about Scotland. We rewrote the statute book but we did not, alas, rewrite the story. And that familiar, unchanged story we told came under sustained pressure in recent years for a variety of reasons.

First, the familiar villain of Thatcherism, in time, moved into history.

I still remember the 22nd November 1990 – the day Margaret Thatcher resigned. It was the week before the by-election of my predecessor as MP for Paisley and I was campaigning around the town with Donald Dewar.

And when the momentous news of Margaret Thatcher’s resignation was announced by Donald through a megaphone to the children of St Fergus’ Primary School, who were out on their playtime, the whole playground started jumping for joy.

That’s the measure of the grip Thatcher held on our collective imagination by the early ’90s. But there is an additional point: the post-war industrial Scotland Thatcher did so much to dismantle also began to move into history.

As Scottish Labour we were, at times, slow to identify ourselves with the underlying but profound changes in the Scottish economy. Labour’s politics, formed in the ’70s and ’80s were those of struggle against decline.

Too late in the years before 2007 did we recognise that our policies in Government, while not fully eradicating poverty, had created a more diverse and modern economy – reliant on banks, yes, but strong in bioscience, leading Europe in energy, from oil and gas to renewables, and with modern manufacturing and computer games software thriving. The SNP saw that economic strength and sought to annex the sense of confidence it generated to their definition of Scotland and its destiny.

But these changes also meant that some of the old Labour ‘hymns’ were increasingly unfamiliar to an audience increasingly without personal knowledge of the tunes. The attachment to and insistence upon these old hymns reflected the fact that the Scottish Party, largely by reason of the unique national element in our politics, never really felt it needed to be “New” Labour.

Indeed it is arguable that the process of ‘modernisation’ might not, in fact, have been required to defeat the Tories in Scotland, but this comfort in old orthodoxies contributed to the party’s disorientation and vulnerability when we came under attack from a different direction, and from a more nimble opponent.

More broadly, the resurgent Scottish pride and confidence, in part, resulting from a decade of economic growth from 1997 to 2007, at times left Scottish Labour looking uneasy.


In part the coincidence of traditional symbols of and repositories for working class identity – such as trade union membership and large scale industrial workplaces – were declining, while simultaneously there remained a strength of national pride, reaffirmed in everything from the music of the Proclaimers’ 500 Miles, sung on the terraces at Hampden, to Eddie Reader’s musical reinterpretation of Burns’ poetry and song.

The repository of emotion for many Scots moved from class based institutions to national institutions. And while the love and respect for the BBC, the NHS, the armed forces and the royal family have stayed strong, other distinctively Scottish institutions grew in the Scottish people’s affections.

Finally, unpopular aspects of both old and New Labour combined to reduce our support. Old Labour was still associated with a sense that “Labour runs everything” from Westminster to the local council, and regrettably that stewardship was not always viewed as moving with the times.

New Labour, on the other hand, despite all its achievements, came to be associated with the conflict in Iraq in 2003, the revulsion at the MP’s expenses scandal, and the wearinesss of ideas borne of successive periods of government in Westminster and Holyrood.

The combined impact of these perceived weaknesses caused many to turn away from our Party.

So, by 2011, how has that story played out?

It played out in Scottish Labour warning of the risks of Thatcherism decades after she had left office, and in a campaign that suggested knife crime, important though tackling it is, was the key concern of an electorate that, in truth, had many other concerns.

This was a story that sought to draw what little emotional power it could muster not from Scotland’s future, but from Scotland’s past.

And in a decisive rejection at the ballot box, in the language of the terraces, we were well and truly “gubbed”. The Party which, on the day the Scottish Parliament was first elected, could claim without contradiction to be the only true National Party of Scotland, within twelve years found itself supported by only one in eight Scottish voters.

And what of the winners of that election?

The harsh truth for Labour is that the Nationalist’s victory in May did not derive exclusively from their approach to national identity. It reflected differences in personnel, resources and campaigning approaches. It also reflected that those who voted for them had judged them fairly competent and broadly aligned with their values, in their stewardship of Government over the previous four years.

Just as importantly, Labour, in opposition was seen as too often concerned only with opposition for it’s own sake. Too many Scots judged us to have complained in unspecified ways about the SNP’s failure to deliver, without articulating a clear enough alternative story and account of Scotland’s possibilities.

That weakness – for which we share a collective responsibility – allowed the SNP to deflect criticism of their record over the preceding four years in two ways: First to attribute the failures of the Scottish government to the existence and impact of the British Government, and, second, to attribute their failures to their status as a minority Government.

There is however, one positive I do take from last May’s result, which you might think a strange thing for a Labour politician to say.

I do not believe that, at root, Scotland was voting for independence. In that I believe I am joined by Alex Salmond who surely wouldn’t be putting off a referendum if he thought that was the case.

But what I believe Scots were saying is that they want Scotland to be a better nation. They feel pride in Scotland and want new possibilities for its people. And they didn’t feel last May that Labour was offering that better way forward.

But this analysis of our defeat sits alongside the fact that the SNP have always had a different national narrative based on the desirability and indeed inevitability of separation from the rest of Britain. And the SNP’s victory in May means that this narrative will now be central to the debate about Scottish politics for the immediate years to come.

Of course, over time, that narrative has changed, and evolved but always with the same destination – independence – and always the same villain – Britain.

So in the 1960s, with the advent of the modern SNP, the case for separation was made on the basis of our relative economic deprivation. Then in the 1970’s the case for separation was made on the basis that “It’s Scotland’s oil”. Most recently, or at least prior to the Banking Crisis of 2008, the case has been advanced on the ability of Scotland to join “the Arc of Prosperity” of Ireland, Iceland and Norway.

In fact, this narrative always struggled to capture more than a minority of Scottish support.

That is not to dispute the scale of their victory last May: Labour lost big and consequently the Nationalists won big. It is to suggest that by 2007, the Nationalists were the beneficiaries of the weakening in support for Labour, and the diminishing of the emotive power of the key events and individuals that had previously sustained Labour’s story and indeed support.

Over recent years, Nationalists have sought to construct a new and less narrowly drawn narrative suggesting that they alone truly have the interests of Scotland at heart and that they alone are powered by a desire for a better nation.

That is why, with what I would describe as ‘Mandelsonian’ discipline, they parrot the line about ‘London Labour’. It is spin designed to disqualify and delegitimise a broad swathe of Scottish opinion that does not share their agenda.

The strength of that less narrowly drawn narrative advanced in recent years has been its ability to tap into the strong sense of Scottish patriotism. Buoyed by years of economic growth, and the establishment of a Scottish parliament, the SNP have worked hard to try and capture the sense of possibility that in a previous generation was held by the Labour Party. The SNP saw the economic strength and sought to annex the sense of confidence to their definition of Scotland and its destiny.

In parallel, this new Nationalist narrative has sought to suggest a sense of inevitability about separation. Perhaps the most eloquent expression of this was in James Robertson’s book “And the Land Laid Still” , the winner of the 2010 Saltire Society Scottish Book of the Year and incidentally, reportedly Alex Salmond’s favourite book of last year. Yet while an enjoyable read and impressive work, it offers a partial rather than a convincing account of Scotland’s political struggles over recent decades.

As Ian Smart, a former President of the Law Society of Scotland put it recently in a trenchant critique:

“Mr Robertson’s book purports to be a history of Scotland since the 1950s albeit through the mechanism of fiction. It portrays a country ill at ease with itself; denied its proper place in the world through the devices of the English and unable to recognise its true destiny until these issues are resolved… for me the political history of Scotland, during the period of which he writes, was about so much more than Scotland. The central character of the book goes to Edinburgh University in 1972 yet the only mention of Vietnam is to compare its struggle to that of Scotland (truly!); Allende’s overthrow is worthy of a single (and background) pub exchange; the struggle against apartheid which, while I was contemporaneously at University, albeit in Glasgow, united students of any sort of progressive opinion doesn’t rate a single mention.

To read this book, insofar as it purports to be a fictional political history of Scotland, yo u’d have thought that all that was going on consisted of people sitting about bemoaning the constitution. It most certainly was not.”

Yet the other part of the Nationalists’ narrative is its exclusivity: according to this narrative at its most unattractive, only nationalists are true Scots, or its softer version – all true Scottish patriots are inevitably Scottish nationalists.

For decades mainstream Scottish opinion has accepted and reflected the truth that you can be a patriot without being a nationalist. It is the nationalists who have struggled with this sense that Scotland’s story does not exclude but includes the shared  and interwoven stories of these islands.

Why else would Alex Salmond have once said that he wanted Scotland to be good neighbours to England rather than surly lodgers?What he fails to understand is that the United Kingdom is the house that Scotland built with our neighbours – and you can’t be a lodger in your own house. The Scottish people have always had the power to determine our own destiny. And there has always been more than one way to use that power.

In fact, the notion of Scottish patriotism has changed significantly over time. At the 19th Century height of Empire, an Empire in which, as Tom Devine reminds us, the Scots were not impotent anti-imperialists but instead, for good or ill, active participants you could have thought that only unionists were true patriots.

This was an analysis challenged, not by the emergence of Scottish national sentiment but rather by the rise of the labour movement and the radical claim for equality; equality first for working people but then, in time, for women and for people of all races. This was the beginning of the challenge to the old unionism based only on the deferential attitude to ancient institutions; Monarchy, Army, Parliament. An old unionism that proved inadequate to meet the challenges of modernity.

For myself, I remain of the view that the United Kingdom, this oldest of political unions, embodies a quintessentially modern idea – and one I like and believe in: that diversity can be a strength and not a weakness.

I like the idea that on these small rainy islands of the North Atlantic we share risks and rewards in a multicultural, multiethnic and multinational union. A shared space of ideas, identities and industries.

And I also continue to believe that across Britain we gain from common services and would be diminished without them; that we achieve more working together than working apart; that unity, out of diversity, gives us strength; that solidarity, the shared endeavour of working and cooperating together, not separation is the idea of the future and the idealism worth celebrating .

So, in truth, I am uncomfortable with and unattracted to a politics that draws a substantial part of its emotional power from a constant assertion of ‘difference’.  And I bridle at the suggestion of separateness as the essential attribute of our national story.

It takes only a few moments to read the hate filled outpourings of the so called “Cyber-Nats” on the threads of the Scotsman and other websites to appreciate this point: With their claims of treason, attacks on ‘London Labour’ and general intolerance, to everybody and anybody who does not share their outlook. To my mind these nationalists challenge the very suggestion of a more pluralist, open, discursive politics if ever their Party were to prevail in its primary purpose.

Instead, they remind me of Alasdair Gray’s evocative description in his greatest novel, Lanark, of “our own wee hard men (who) hammer Scotland down to the same dull level as themselves.”

But I do recognise that the power and the weakness of this Nationalist narrative comes from its duality: on one hand caressing an unhealthy sense of victimhood through its constant assertion that Britain is what is holding Scotland back, and on the other hand asserting pride and possibility for Scotland.

Why do I find such a narrative unsatisfying even while I have to acknowledge its appeal to some sections of the electorate?

I don’t believe that rightly asserting our own distinct identity – indeed identities -, is an alternative to finding points of shared values and interdependence.

But it is also that this determination to assert difference doesn’t accord with some of my own deepest convictions – and not simply that many years ago in Edinburgh I happened to meet and fall in love with an English woman who is now my wife. I would never want my children to choose whether they were citizens of Scotland or England. It’s not the choice of futures I’d wish to put before them. It is not the choice that so many Scots or so many English people, would want their children; their nephews and nieces, even their sisters or brothers in law to have to make.

And it’s not that I hark back to some lost British patriotism of the 1950’s. I am too young to remember those days and in temperament, and in personal politics, I am more interested in the future than harking back to a past whose values and prejudices few of us would share today.

There are other and deeper reasons than my admiration of Britain and what it represents that has always made me distrustful of nationalism.

As a democratic socialist, ideals have shaped my sense of politics more than identity. I am, and always have been, much more interested in abolishing poverty than abolishing Britain. A fundamental belief in human equality is the core of my politics, more than a fundamental belief in national difference.

My work around the world as International Development Secretary and now Shadow Foreign Secretary has taught me something else – that one of the most fundamental struggles of modernity is between, on the one hand, those who believe our differences are more important than what unites us and, on the other, those of us who’s preference and moral lodestar is our common humanity.

That is the fundamental tenet of my politics, and helps explain why I am distrustful of a politics that draws its energy from gleeful assertions of difference rather than expressions of cooperation.

My theme this evening is that our story matters – as individuals, as families, as communities, and as nations. So let me share with you part of my own family’s story. My parents married in Glasgow in 1959. Four days later they flew from Prestwick to New York, where my father had gained a scholarship for postgraduate study at Union Theological Seminary. The following Easter, in 1960, they joined a group of fellow students in travelling from New York to Raleigh, North Carolina, to attend a conference. There they queued to hear a young Baptist preacher – and were spat at by white passers-by for their trouble. The conference was the inaugural conference of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. The young Baptist preacher was Martin Luther King.

After this encounter, the theology of Martin Luther King had a huge impact on my parents and, in time, on the values they sought to pass on to their children, and that I seek to pass on to mine.

Now the reason I share this story is that what King described as our ‘inter-connectedness’ still shapes how I see the world.

Let his own, far more eloquent, words speak for themselves:

‎”As long as there is poverty in the world I can never be rich even if I have a billion dollars. As long as diseases are rampant and millions of people in this world cannot expect to live thirty years I can never be totally healthy even if I just got a good check-up at the Mayo Clinic. I can never be what I ought to be until you are what you ought to be. This is the way our world is made. No individual or nation can stand our boasting of being independent. We are interdependent”

In that concern with our common humanity I don’t simply draw inspiration from religious teaching but also from modern science. In recent years some of the most talented scientists on earth have achieved the mapping of the human genome. Of course this has opened new possibilities for both science and medicine. But it has also revealed something I think is vital to our understanding of politics. The sequencing of the human genome has confirmed that all human beings are genetically more than 99.9 per cent the same.

As Bill Clinton put it, “while our differences matter, our common humanity matters more.”

Yet here in Scotland, our political discourse is increasingly defined by difference: Each and every day the SNP Government and its spokespeople seek to challenge and undermine the cultural and political claim of those of us who do not share their determination to divide Britain, asserting that our differences matter more than that which we hold in common. Paradoxically, this process is promoted as entirely positive about Scotland’s future – but any disagreement is roundly condemned as ‘negative.’

The SNP have now pledged a referendum within this parliament to let Scotland decide. I do not fear the people’s verdict, but in the meantime my Party has a great deal of work to do in the coming months and years. That work must begin by recognising that in the years ahead, Scottish Labour’s political purpose has to be built around the future possibilities for Scotland, not the past wrongs done to Scotland.

So what would that politics of possibility, that story of a better nation sound like?

It would start, to my mind, with a determination to uphold our common humanity, the common weal – and give expression to the feelings of care, concern and commitment which we seek in others and seek to uphold in ourselves  – rather than assert and reinforce our difference.

For a democratic socialist like me it would begin from a belief in equality  – and it would uphold the timeless truth that we achieve more together than we can achieve alone.

It would be a story that starts with the condition of Scotland: A nation of great strengths but also very real problems.

It would be a story that set at its heart the idea of building One Scotland. A nation in which greater equality was not just our aim, and our metric, but was, in fact, our achievement.

And surely today one of the clearest tests of our commitment to Scotland’s future is what we do for our children.

In 2011, the terrible truth remains: one in five of Scotland’s children live in poverty.

According to Children First, a quarter of Scotland’s children are missing out on basics such as proper winter clothing, after school activities and good, nutritious food – the basics we take for granted for our own children.

Worklessness is a problem but so are low wages – with around 25,000 children in Scotland being in severe poverty despite at least one adult in the home going out to work.

Of course this is not a problem confined to Scotland – a report by UNICEF in 2007 examined the effects of many decades of growing child poverty across the UK, and painted a stark picture of the deprivation, poor relationships with parents, and vulnerability to the risks from alcohol, drugs and unsafe sex suffered by too many children growing up today.

Labour in office did make a difference – using tax credits to lift millions of children out of poverty, and legislating for new rights like longer maternity leave and flexible working.

Some of that work is being undone by a Tory-led Coalition Government in London, but it has also been left to wither on the vine by the SNP Government in Edinburgh.

Perhaps the deepest and most abiding inequality that scars Scotland is the most basic – the stark differences in life expectancy. A boy born in parts of Paisley today will, on average, live five fewer years than a boy born here in Stirling. Closing that gap is one of the hardest, but most essential tasks we face.

Half of this difference in mortality is simply from the effects of smoking. Labour’s smoking ban was the start, but we could learn from other countries. Learning how to use what we know from neuroscience about how habits and addictions are made and broken.

But it’s not just smoking. Drink plays a major part too. I sense that Labour’s past rejection of the SNP’s proposals, however well justified in terms of the weakness of the specific policy, was judged by some voters as reflecting an unwillingness to tackle heavy drinking and rise to the challenge of making a better Scotland.

In itself, minimum alcohol pricing is no simple solution to a complex and deeply culturally rooted problem. Anyone observing the agile responses of supermarkets and wine emporia knows that. But while we can challenge the policy, or better improve the policy, as an MP for a constituency where each week I see some of the consequences of the abuse of alcohol, I understand the urging of the public health clinicians that government act to tackle these problems.

Because despite the fact that many Scots today live long, full and prosperous lives, not least in some part because of the achievements of previous Labour Governments, too many still do not.

In a nation still afflicted by substandard housing, stubborn worklessness, and a relative decline in education standards, building ‘One Scotland’ is no easy task. And it is made harder by the economic circumstances now confronting us.

The present stalling of economic growth in Britain, the Eurozone crisis, the debt ceiling debacle in the Unites States, each reflect a deeper and generational shift in productive and economic power from West to East that has only been accelerated by the Global Financial Crisis of 2008.

So the challenge facing social democratic politicians in the years ahead, not just here in Scotland, or across the UK, but in countless countries, is how to advance social justice when there is not much money around.

That endeavour demands a new statecraft for this new decade – re-imagining policies in relation to economic growth, the welfare state and our public services.

To acknowledge this is not to try to write a manifesto. It is to acknowledge the urgency of a new approach. It is an analysis that identifies a more empowered people and a more equal society as defining missions of a better nation notwithstanding – indeed in part because of  – the tough times ahead.

This is what I suggest deserves to be at the centre of Scottish Labour’s renewed story. A radical claim on the future. One that says the test is not how much more power a Parliament has, or how much more autonomy can be achieved. Instead, what counts – in employment, in housing, in health and in education – is are our combined actions tackling the barriers and inequality that still hold back too many of our people. The barriers and inequality that still stand in the way of being the kind of Scotland we could be. Are we, by our will and by our work, creating One Scotland?

For all of our present weakness I believe the political party best able to tell this story is Scottish Labour.

I make this claim for the following reason. Our core as a Party has been and remains defined by our commitment to two central beliefs: A belief in social justice, and a commitment to home rule within the United Kingdom.

So the task of re-building Scottish Labour is not an invitation to reject our longest held beliefs, but to reaffirm them.

Of course that reaffirmation of political purpose, however important, is not enough. Scottish Labour also needs to embrace radical proposals to throw open its doors, and draw our future candidates from Labour ‘people’ and not just Labour members, by which I mean people from all walks of life who share our values and who are willing us to be better, so that they can once again be proud to support us.

But, as I have sought to suggest this evening, we will only attract these people if we are clearer about the contribution we can make to the next chapter of Scotland’s story.

It is a challenge to which, I believe, we can rise. Just as years ago, New Labour had to dispel the myth that if you were ambitious, had done well, and had got on in life, you inevitably supported the Conservative Party, so now and in the years ahead Scottish Labour must dispel the myth that if you feel proudly and patriotically Scottish, and are ambitious for Scotland and it’s potential, you inevitably support the SNP.

Scottish Labour’s political purpose has to be about the future possibilities for Scotland, not the past wrongs, real and imagined, done to Scotland.

With this approach, I believe the history of Scotland, written by this generation, can and will be remembered not by the “The End of an Auld Sang” but positively and vibrantly by “The beginning of a New Story”.

Douglas Alexander is the Shadow Foreign Secretary and served in the last Labour government as Secretary of State for Scotland, Transport and International Development. Follow Douglas on Twitter at @DAlexanderMP.

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33 thoughts on “A better nation

  1. Even as someone who can’t really remember when the Labour party was a socialist party, it still strikes me as somewhat depressing that you think that the major problem with Labour in Scotland is that it isn’t “New Labour” enough. If people want privatisation, dictatorship of the markets and slick, identikit salesmen, can they not just vote Tory?

    1. erm… Isn’t privatisation of public services exactly what the SNP are doing in Aberdeen and soon in Edinburgh???

  2. Is it not disrespectful to post online the full text of a speech that people are going to trudge out to listen to later on in the evening?

    I know people that are going along tonight and I think they’d be a bit miffed if they knew they could have just stayed at home and read word for word the content without having to leave the house.

    Decent enough speech mind.

  3. A leader’s speech but suprisingly from someone who states he is not after leadership!

    It is interesting that Douglas Alexander quotes Ivan Ilich, “You have to tell an alternative story.”

    That reminds me of a quote from Douglas Alexander in describing Alex Salmond, ” an old man in a hurry”.

    What would be the better alternative to that sort of rhetoric in Douglas Alexander’s new world?

    PS: Ivan Ilich strongly advocated the free market in education, something that all Scots have rejected.

    1. Why are you such a hateful person Mac, you are always on one blog or another posting poison about people you disagree with. You don’t have to agree with everthing someone says, in order to agree with something they say.

  4. Douglas did specifically ask for the text of the speech to go up beforehand, and not everyone will be able to make it to Stirling to see him give it in the flesh.

  5. OK, you don’t get many thank-yous in politics: I think this is a really important speech — one of the most impressive I have seen on this subject — and it catches *exactly* how I feel (though expressed more eloquently than I could ever manage). I was moved. This is the kind of thing politics is for. Well said.

    As for the person depressed by the reference to New (actually, Douglas popped that word in inverted commas) Labour: he was clear about the problematic issues. But please let us not look on that period as *entirely* an aberration. Suppose John Major had won again?

    Those at the lecture will, of course, be able to question, challenge/whatever, pursue issues, so they will have “added value”.

  6. This speech is not just trailed here, it was in the Hootsman today & was the subject of the phone in on Call Kaye this morning – hours before it was delivered.

    Douglas could do a lot worse than listen to the programme – hear what the callers had to say.

    Politicians seem confused by what the Labour Party in Scotland should mean now. The voters aren’t, they know what the Labour Party should represent. It’s just unfortunate that they don’t, & haven’t for a very long time.

  7. Mac

    I am slowly losing the will to be bothered about this party of mine, how many more MP’s are going to pop up with rhetoric which really makes no sense to the majority of Scots.

    1. That’s funny actually because one of the key ideas of the the speech was about getting in touch with the real people of Scotland. Perhaps it would be advisable in future if you read a text before criticising it. Cheers FDR.

  8. “and a commitment to home rule within the United Kingdom”

    Willie Rennie offers the same commitment.

    Neither Labour nor the LibDems have defined what they mean by home rule and neither have yet said whether we will be offered a referendum.

    I suspect that they both mean that Scotland already has home rule and that the unionist parties are not going to seek the transfer of more power from Wesminster.

  9. Douglas Alexander quite rightly points out that there are some cybernats who post unacceptable material on various forums, but he also shouldn’t be blind to the fact there are also people posting equally unacceptable anti-SNP material on the very same sites. If he thinks it is not as bad a problem, then he is seriously kidding himself on.

  10. As a “cyber-nat” I’d have to say that this is probably the best speech I’ve heard from a Scottish Labour politician in recent years – in fact, probably the only good one! However, though correctly talking of ‘changing the story’ he doesn’t clearly state what that story should be. Working that out is still a huge challenge for you, and time is running out.

    Douglas speaks of being a social democrat. Surely he must despair. I want to live in a socially democratic country, but the UK is never going to be that, not in my lifetime; the South East of England isn’t going to stand for it.

    Perhaps Scottish Labour’s new story should be this: “we will strive to eradicate poverty, whether as part of the UK or not, and are fully prepared to respect the right of the people of Scotland to choose which this should be”.

    Come home Douglas, you’re wasted in Westminster.

    1. It is quite clear from recent polling that Labour, UK and Scotland wide, has a leadership problem. It is also quite clear that Labour have still to advance a Scottish political indentity that allows them to connect to with the Scottish electorate and civic Scotland.

      This speech is a leadership’s speech but since the speaker does not want the responsibility of leadership this represents a wasted opportunity for Alexander and Scottish Labour.

      Labour keeps saying to Scots think British, think international, but fails to recognise that we can only do so if we feel comfortable in our own skins and can stand on our own feet.

      Scottishness is not a disease as some unionists continually like to point out. We are not a nation of subsidy junkies, too poor, too wee, too stupid.

      We should not be made to apologise for our Scottisms by unionist politicians, but instead they should be celebrating with us those aspects of our national character that strengthens Scotland and our close associations with our neighbours.

      Until Labour can find the right leaders and until they can develop a true Scottish indentity they will find themselves continually marginalised and eventually treated like a historical curiosity.

  11. I noted on Newsnight last night that Douglas Alexander said that the Labour Party had campaigned for a 100 years for Scottish Home Rule.

    I would like to have it explained tp me why on earth it took so long for them to provide it given that they were in power on a number of occasions?

    It will take a lot to persuade me that the reason for the delay was other than that Scotland was little thought of by Labour, their MPs often regarded as lobby fodder, and that the catalyst for Home Rule was clearly the rising threat from the SNP.
    If people want more powers or independence there is only one effective vehicle for that advance and it is electoral support for the SNP.

    1. Strictly speaking the Labour Party ( and its antecedents) had been campaigning for Scottish Home Rule 100 years ago, rather than for 100 years.
      It was in the party manifesto right from the off, until it was dropped in the late 1950’s ( ’59, I think). It was 20 years and a generation later before it reappeared, by which time it was of course an entirely different creature, modernised yes but hurried and also springing from a different motivation. It’s a cheap shot to blame the labour party for not pressing on and delivering their manifesto promise in the years up to the 50’s; there was post war reconstruction, there were 2 world wars, governments of national unity, the great depression, the national strike, a hostile establishment and civil service, and Labour weren’t actually in power on their own for any great length of time during that 60 year period. The real shame is they dropped the policy when they did; reintroducing it 20 years and a generation later as a reaction to the SNP and the independence movement rather than as a radical and progressive policy of democratic empowerment. That meant the Labour Party lost both the initiative and the credibility of continuity in their policy position. To be blunt their position was perceived by the electorate to be reactionary, its purpose being to stop the so called march of the independence movement, rather than as a radical and progressive transformation. Reading Dougie Alexander’s speech nothing much has changed, has it?

  12. I’m extremely disappointed that he expresses pride in the awful legacy of PFI contracts, most of which are causing outrageous squeezing of education budgets across the country. Surely it’s common knowledge now that these contracts were phenomenally bad value for the taxpayer. It’s time Labour admitted their mistake and moved away from the Thatcher rhetoric of privatising public services – it never goes down well in Scotland, and we’re no daft – we understand when we’ve been sold a bad deal.

    Also having been on the receiving end of cyber-mobs of all political persuasions, I feel Alexander would be mindful to look at the practices of his own local parties before attacking the cyber-nats, awful as they are.

  13. Not really interested in what the “cyber-nats” say they tend to be individuals whose main purpose in life is to contradict everyone else who has an opinion, if they wish to come on this site and pedal their garbage then let it be.

    I am glad that we live in a democracy and that we can have a opinion and a debate in public, not like the NATS who follow the “Wee Eck” philosophy, it’s interesting how in history the wee man syndrome soon leads to catastrophe

    They remind me of a song from Peter Pan “Were following the leader” where are we going “ NEVERLAND

  14. I wonder how many other opportunistic Labour politicians are going to jump on the bandwagon and claim we have done everything wrong. Any differences in opinion should be dealt with internally, there is no reason whatsoever to involve the media. The voters must now believe we are total failures.

  15. A good speech/article, yet it is ultimately unsatisfying. Virtually everything Douglas says has been said elsewhere before now, often on this very website.

    What we need now is not more people piling in to give the same diagnosis, it is the solution to the problem. We dont want to be wringing our hands in despair for the next 2 or 3 years – we have elections to fight in just over 6 months, and we need to start laying out the ground work for our revival now.

    1. yes John it is all empty unless he defines what his alternatives will be. Henry Mcleish has been saying all the rigt things for a few years now and slowly the establishment people are coming round.

      I listened to the Call Kaye programme on BBC and the callers all said the same thing.

      Was Labour now voting Nat, all saying that Labour thought Westminster first and Scotland second.

      If you missed it listen on iplayer – scary

  16. I thought it was a good speech but lacked ideas on what the new story should be.

    1. A very interesting aanlysis, not too far from my own obviously with the exception of a shock Labour win in Angus North My biggest disagreement is with the SNP holding Dundee West. The party are putting a lot in here and also Dundee East. Richard McCready is an excellent local candidate who has been able to capitalise with local feelings against the SNP council. I dont think this will come at the cost of a list seat, as I think the conservatives are running a very low-profile campaign and i think their vote will drop (a little).With the SNP list vote dropping a little as the Alex Salmond for First Minister line cant be used, I can see them not picking up any list seats whatsoever. (Bear in mind that there are 17 seats in this region not 16). The regional list vote is the hardest to call really, and a little movement either way for any of the parties can radically change the allocation of seats. The greens can pick up a seat here on as little as 4.8% depending on the way the lib dem vote splits I expect their constituency vote to hold up in Aberdeenshire West where Mike Rumbles will have a personal vote.

  17. It has been interesting that friends of mine who I personally thought voted Labour are now telling me that they vote SNP, as you will imagine my disappointment at this news, however when we discussed the matter further I could understand why.

    The say that they see themselves as socialists, but they vote SNP because they believe in a separate Scotland ,however they are quick to state that under an Independent Scotland they would vote Scottish Labour. “Margaret Thatcher’s Legacy” especially now that we have a Tory led Coalition which is carrying on where she left off

    No matter how hard the Labour Party try to distance themselves from the National Party the fact is and will remain that we are a “Unionist “ party. Personally I do not have a problem with that. However if we wish to defeat the SNP we need to create an environment where the Scottish Labour Party are seen as self ruling.

    The continual appearances from Westminster MP’s on TV recently has demonstrated to me that our elected MP’s have no faith in our MSP’s. to sell the product.

    I have not a problem with Tom Harris or Ian Davidson putting themselves forward for leader or deputy leader, I also do not have a problem with them leading the party in Scotland as I believe at this moment in time they offer the best option as individuals who are prepared to roll up their sleeves and get stuck in to the SNP.

    However they must be clear about their intentions; that they will stand for The Scottish Parliament and not jump ship at the last moment if they see the tide is not turning in our favour.

    The rebirth of the Scottish Labour Party is not a sprint but a marathon

    1. You raise an interesting point Robert.
      I’m assuming that your friends who believe in a separate Scotland and would return to voting Scottish Labour in that eventuality are taking it as understood that this post independence Scottish Labour party would be supportive of independence and would not seek to dilute or reverse it. That surely makes it a very different Scottish Labour party from the one that exists today? Given current polling trends where the direction of travel of scottish public opinion is towards independence rather than the status quo how can the party be reformed to include this increasingly real possibility?

      Isn’t this focus on getting stuck into the SNP part of the problem, rather than part of the solution?

    2. My wife, all my children and in laws now vote SNP , and the trend continues as we know.

      They are reacting to what they see, they have none of the History so they only see Negativity. Further(this article apart) when Labour politicians appear they never, ever, give any policies, just motherhood statements.

      Our kids are cuter than we are, they don’t accept waffle

  18. Well that was quite a read, but it spoke more sense than most other blogs on Labour Hame, glad to see sense at the head of our leadership!

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